TWISTED Russian troops returning as “sex sadists” from the frontlines have forced Vladimir Putin to introduce a chilling manual for wives to adjust to the abuse.

The training guide highlights the profound psychological changes faced by soldiers during the war – and asks wives to “put up with abuse”.

4

4

4

Women have been told to give their traumatised men a chance to “thaw out” after returning alive from Putin’s illegal war where hundreds of thousands have died so far.

They have been asked to understand and put up with their partners’ intolerance and aggressive forms of sex.

They must show empathy and support to their husbands even if they are being violent, the guide advises.

It reads: “Changes may manifest themselves in temporary intolerance to touch and decreased sexual desire.

“However, they can also be expressed in increased sexual arousal, the need for frequent sexual acts, and a predisposition to aggressive forms of sex.”

Sexual violence has been among the top traits displayed by Russian men returning from the Ukrainian war where rape has actively been used as a weapon.

Sergei Shakhmarov, a former Wagner mercenary who fought for Putin, was found guilty of raping two schoolgirls aged between 10 and 12 in Novosibirsk, Russia

The disgraced fighter, 42, was sentenced to 17 years in a maximum security prison.

Yury Gavrilov, another Putin’s recruit, allegedly lured an underaged girl to his flat to rape and torture her.

Chilling CCTV footage showed the paedo guiding the child, 11, to his ground-floor flat in Sol-Iletsk in Russia’s Orenburg region.

He was arrested the same evening – and was later seen with a bloody face after cops beat him up for the alleged crime.

He served in Wagner’s mercenary army after being freed from a jail sentence by Putin.

The guide – created by the pro-war organisation All-Russian People’s Front – tells men returning from war may require psychological help.

Women are asked not to force returning soldiers to experience of the war horror.

They must not criticise them even if they behave inappropriately, the guide says.

They have also been asked not to compare them to other men who may have adapted more easily.

The manual has been criticised by Alena Popova who said Russian women were being expected to solve the mess created by Putin’s war. 

She said: “In essence, women are told to ‘suck it up, you have to be there no matter what he does’.

“But a woman should not endure everything because her husband has PTSD. 

“They have been asked to endure and obey. But women will not tolerate this in silence and their voices are getting louder.”

 She complained the pro-Kremlin manual asked women to be “proud” of their returning partners and support them – “even if they use violence”.

“Any kind of violence can never be justified,” she added.

4

Deadly riots erupted in Nouméa, capital of New Caledonia, a French Pacific island territory, on Monday before a vote in the National Assembly, the French lower house of parliament, on a proposed electoral reform.

Under the terms of the 1998 Nouméa Accord, only New Caledonia natives and long-term residents have been eligible to vote in provincial elections and local referendums, to preserve the balance between the indigenous Kanak population and new arrivals from mainland France.

Tensions have simmered for decades between the Kanaks seeking independence and descendants of colonisers who want it to remain part of France.

The reforms are aimed at enlarging the electorate for New Caledonia’s provincial elections, a move decried by the pro-independence movement.

But the proportion of voters disenfranchised from provincial elections has steadily increased over the past few years. If the reform becomes law, more than 25,000 people could join the electoral roll: 12,441 natives and almost 13,400 people who have resided in the territory for at least 10 years, according to the New Caledonian Institute of Statistics.

Provincial elections are due before December 2024 to choose the elected representatives of the three provincial assemblies.

The stakes in these elections are high. The distribution of seats in the provincial assemblies directly influences the distribution of seats in the territory’s Congress, or parliament, which in turn appoints the president of the New Caledonian government. Anti-independence candidates won 28 of the 54 parliamentary seats in 2019.

While “loyalists” – residents who want New Caledonia to remain part of France – are calling for equal voting rights, pro-independence residents believe that expanding the electoral body could lead to further losses of seats in Congress and less power for the Kanak people.

Indigenous Kanak people accounted for 41.2% of the archipelago’s population in the 2019 census, according to the National Institute of Statistics and Economic Studies (INSEE).

“The Caledonian population is questioning the legitimacy of allowing a part of the population, which may not stay very long in New Caledonia, or that lives in very closed circles in the south of the territory, to have access to the vote,” said Évelyne Barthou, a senior lecturer in sociology at the University of Pau. “There is a general feeling of anger and injustice but also a fear that the Kanak population will disappear or be drowned out by the rest. These tensions would be less pronounced if the inequalities between Europeans and Kanaks weren’t so marked today.”

Nouméa, which has a large European population and a dominant role in the archipelago’s economy, is the centre of the current unrest. Social and economic inequalities persist there, with “very marked ethnic cleavages, with economically privileged neighbourhoods on one side and largely disadvantaged neighbourhoods on the other, inhabited mainly by Kanaks or Melanesians”, said Barthou. 

The proposed constitutional reform follows three referendums on independence won by the “no” camp between 2018 and 2021. The last referendum, marked by a record abstention rate, was boycotted by pro-independence campaigners who criticised the decision to hold the vote during the Covid-19 pandemic.

‘No dialogue’

The archipelago’s main pro-independence party, the Kanak Socialist National Liberation Front (FLNKS), denounced the reform’s approval in the National Assembly, which took place shortly after midnight on Wednesday.   

“There is no dialogue between those who initiated this reform and the Caledonians, even though agreement cannot be reached without them,” said Isabelle Merle, a historian of colonialism specialising in New Caledonia at the National Centre of Science and Research (CNRS). “We can’t neglect the emancipation process by imposing rules without taking divergent opinions into account.”

Discussions on the archipelago’s future began in 1988 after a decade of separatist conflict and violence. The Matignon-Oudinot Accords of that summer created three provinces and officially recognised the Kanak people. The Nouméa Accord, signed in 1998 under the leadership of France’s then prime minister Lionel Jospin, launched the process of decolonising the territory. 

“While the Nouméa Accord enabled the transfer of powers, New Caledonia’s colonial history seems to have been forgotten in the (recent) parliamentary debate, with some representatives ignoring it,” said Merle. “The idea of this reform is to return to an initial situation where any French person arriving in the territory had the right to vote, while the Kanaks did not. This reopening of the floodgates is causing tensions, as expected and announced.”

Anger provoked by the reform is compounded by frustration in an archipelago where over 26% of young people are unemployed and a crisis involving nickel, New Caledonia’s main economic resource, is causing concern.

Daniel Wéa, president of the Movement of Young Kanaks in France, told Reuters at a Paris rally on Tuesday that “if there is violence today in the country, it is a response to the violence suffered since colonisation until today”.

Daniel Goa, president of the pro-independence Caledonian Union party, called on young people to “go home” on Tuesday while strongly condemning acts of looting and violence. He nonetheless stressed that “the unrest of the last 24 hours reveals the determination of our young people to no longer let France do this to them”.

05:55

‘Opportunities slipping away’

The National Assembly passed the voting rights bill on Wednesday by 351 votes to 153, with left-wing MPs in opposition. The far-right Rassemblement National (National Rally) and rightwing Les Républicains voted largely in favour, as did the overwhelming majority of President Emmanuel Macron’s Renaissance coalition, with the exception of a handful of deputies from the centrist MoDem party.

In the Assembly, there are marked differences between deputies who consider decolonisation a thing of the past – such as New Caledonian MP Nicolas Metzdorf, a member of Macron’s coalition who is known for his anti-independence stance – and those who point out that the UN still lists New Caledonia as a non-self-governing territory awaiting decolonisation, as reported in French news site Mediapart.

For young people in the archipelago, colonialism is not a thing of the past. “Despite a preference for local employment, many young people see opportunities slipping away from them to people in mainland France,” said Barthou, who conducted a field survey among New Caledonian youth last year. “This is just one example of the neocolonial logic to which New Caledonia remains prone today.”

This article is an updated translation of the original in French.

In light of recent developments in Sudan, a deeper analysis uncovers the intricate web of influence and intervention, with the United States emerging as a central player in the country’s tumultuous trajectory. Contrary to superficial narratives, it appears that American policies and actions have significantly contributed to the current state of affairs, including the escalation of civil conflict and the potential fragmentation of the nation. Our previous analyses have shed light on how different African countries are facing military coups, often backed by the US directly or indirectly, suggesting a pattern of interventionism that extends beyond Sudan’s borders.

Over the years, Sudan has grappled with internal strife, exacerbated by external pressures and interventions. Central to this dynamic is the imposition of extensive sanctions by the United States on Sudan during the tenure of Omar Al-Bashir’s regime. These punitive measures, characterized by their unprecedented severity, have cast a long shadow over Sudan’s economic and political landscape, perpetuating instability and discontent among the populace.

Moreover, American propaganda against Sudan has been a persistent feature, shaping global perceptions and influencing diplomatic relations. Through relentless messaging and strategic maneuvers, the United States has sought to portray Sudan as a pariah state, further isolating it on the international stage and fueling internal dissent.

The culmination of these efforts has been the eruption of civil conflict, tearing at the fabric of Sudanese society and plunging the nation into chaos. The recent clashes in Khartoum, emblematic of deeper power struggles and ideological rifts, underscore the gravity of the situation and the urgent need for resolution.

Yet, amidst the turmoil, America’s role remains ambiguous, veiled behind a facade of humanitarian concern and diplomatic rhetoric. While ostensibly advocating for peace and stability, underlying motives suggest a more insidious agenda, one that prioritizes geopolitical interests over the welfare of the Sudanese people.

In this context, the prospect of division looms large, with the ongoing civil war in Sudan exacerbating tensions and deepening divisions within the nation. American policies inadvertently fuel the flames of separatism and regionalism, potentially hastening the fragmentation of Sudan. By perpetuating discord and exacerbating existing fault lines, the United States risks engineering the disintegration of Sudan, further destabilizing an already fragile region.

Amidst the recent coup attempt in Sudan, it’s becoming clear that America’s primary target isn’t Russia or Iran, but China. While initial speculation pointed to Western interference to hinder Russian and Iranian ambitions, a closer look reveals a deeper struggle for influence between the United States and China. The coup’s timing suggests it may be part of America’s broader strategy to counter Chinese influence in the African region. Additionally, Iran’s involvement, evidenced by the supply of Iranian drones to support the Sudanese armed forces, further complicates the geopolitical landscape. As events unfold, it’s increasingly evident that Sudan has become a battleground for the ongoing geopolitical rivalry between Washington, Beijing, and Tehran.

Additionally, the involvement of key global players such as Russia and China, alongside Iran, adds a layer of complexity to Sudan’s predicament. These nations have engaged in Sudan with a focus on fostering stability and development. Russia’s support for the Sudanese Armed Forces and the potential establishment of a naval base in Port Sudan are part of efforts to bolster regional security and cooperation. Similarly, China’s extensive investments in critical sectors like energy, agriculture, and transportation aim to spur economic growth and infrastructure development. However, contrasting with these constructive endeavors, the United States’ interventions have often exacerbated internal tensions and perpetuated conflict for its own strategic interests. While Russia and China pursue avenues for progress, America’s actions risk further destabilizing Sudan, hindering its path to peace and prosperity.

চট্টগ্রাম বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের (চবি) ঝর্ণায় ডুবে জুনায়েদ নামে এক স্কুলছাত্রের মৃত্যু হয়েছে। বৃহস্পতিবার (১৬ মে) রাত সাড়ে ৯টার দিকে তার মরদেহ উদ্ধার করে ফায়ার সার্ভিস। এর আগে দুপুর ১২টার দিকে বন্ধুদের সঙ্গে গোসল করতে নেমে নিখোঁজ হয় সে। ফায়ার সার্ভিসের ডুবুরি দল প্রায় ৯ ঘণ্টার চেষ্টায় মরদেহ উদ্ধার করতে সক্ষম হয়।

জুনায়েদ নগরের হাজী মুহাম্মদ মহসিন সরকারি উচ্চ বিদ্যালয়ের সপ্তম শ্রেণির ছাত্র বলে জানিয়েছেন একসঙ্গে ঘুরতে আসা নগরের প্রবর্তক স্কুল অ্যান্ড কলেজের নবম শ্রেণির ছাত্র রিমন।

বন্ধুরা জানায়, স্কুলের নবম শ্রেণির কিছু বন্ধুদের সঙ্গে চট্টগ্রাম বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ে ঘুরতে এসেছিল সপ্তম শ্রেণির ছাত্র জুনায়েদ। দুপুর পৌনে ১২টার দিকে তারা ঝর্ণায় গোসল করতে নামে। এক পর্যায়ে ১২টার দিকে তারা বুঝতে পারে জুনায়েদকে আশপাশে দেখা যাচ্ছে না। এরপর ঝর্ণা ও আশপাশের পাহাড়ে দীর্ঘক্ষণ না পেয়ে তারা শহরে ফিরে যায়। এরপর বিকেলে জুনায়েদের বন্ধু রিমনসহ পরিবারের লোকজন ক্যাম্পাসে এসে বিশ্ববিদ্যালয় প্রশাসনকে বিষয়টি জানালে প্রশাসন ফায়ার সার্ভিসের সহায়তায় খোঁজাখুঁজি শুরু করে। প্রায় ৯ ঘণ্টা পর রাত সাড়ে ৯টায় তার মরদেহ উদ্ধার করে ফায়ার সার্ভিস।

এ বিষয়ে বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের প্রক্টর প্রফেসর ড. অহিদুল আলম জাগো নিউজকে বলেন, খবর পাওয়া মাত্রই আমরা ঘটনাস্থলে এসেছি। কয়েক ঘণ্টার তল্লাশি শেষে ফায়ার সার্ভিসের ডুবুরি দল রাত সাড়ে ৯টার দিকে মরদেহটি উদ্ধার করে। মরদেহ পরিবারের কাছে হস্তান্তর করা হবে।

জেএইচ