Czech Deputy Defence Minister Jan Jireš has rejected claims that further military assistance to Ukraine hinders a “diplomatic and peaceful resolution of the conflict” during a debate in parliament on Tuesday, 9 January.

Source: ČTK, reported by European Pravda

Details: The discussions concerned the petitions of the anti-government group Czechia Against Poverty, which, in particular, demanded an end to the rhetoric that “the Czech Republic is at war” and a halt to the supply of military weapons to Ukraine.

The group’s representative, Jindřich Reichl, who is also the head of the Czech extra-parliamentary party Right of Respect and Dignity, argued that a “diplomatic and peaceful resolution of the conflict” should be achieved in Ukraine.

To this, Jireš replied that the decision to end the war in Ukraine depends entirely on Russia and its President Vladimir Putin. “Enemy missiles will not fall on Czech territory if we help Ukraine defend its independence,” he said.

He also pointed out that Russia itself has repeatedly spoken of fighting against the entire West.

Quote from Jireš: “There is no doubt that if we had not supported Ukraine militarily from the very beginning – the Czech Republic, Poland, almost all other European countries and other countries of the world – the Russian army would be in Kyiv or even in Uzhhorod today.”

Background: As is known, amid the blocking of additional aid to Ukraine in the US Congress and delays in approving a four-year, €50 billion plan to support Kyiv, there are increasing calls in the EU for more active support for Kyiv this year.

Last week, for example, Polish Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski explained in detail why continued military support for Ukraine is in Europe’s interest and why it is wrong to talk about “Ukraine fatigue” in the West.

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The European Union “will further scale up its support to Ukraine,” Belgian Prime Minister Alexander de Croo said on X on Jan. 9, after Belgium started its term leading the European Council.

The presidency rotates among European Union member states every six months. Spain held the presidency until Dec. 31.

“We will continue bringing our economies and people closer while Ukraine progresses on its accession path,” de Croo said.

De Croo also said he spoke with German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, who agreed on “maintaining our unwavering support for Ukraine,” and with President Volodymyr Zelensky.

Zelensky said he congratulated Belgium on assuming the presidency and that he appreciated “that support for Ukraine and international law is among its priorities.”

“We discussed our bilateral defense cooperation as well as the coordination of European defense assistance,” Zelensky said.

The Belgian Defense Ministry announced on Jan. 4 that it will send two F-16 fighter jets and 50 training personnel to Denmark from March to September to support the training of Ukrainian pilots.

Belgium is one of the 11 founding countries in the “fighter jet coalition” established in July that aims to train Ukrainians to operate F-16s.

In 2023, de Croo called for using frozen Russian assets to fund Ukraine’s reconstruction and for a sanction on Russian diamonds. Belgium’s second-largest city, Antwerp, is one of the world’s centers of diamond trade.

Russian diamonds were eventually included in the EU’s 12th package of sanctions, adopted on Dec. 18.

Read also: Scholz criticizes EU for providing insufficient military aid to Ukraine

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Kyivguma, a Ukrainian manufacturer of medical products, including tactical first-aid kits, has found itself in the disgrace of Ukraine’s SBU security service recently. The company claims to be under pressure at a time when the special service is bringing serious charges against them: aiding the Russian military aggression.

The SBU conducted searches at the Kyivguma offices on Jan. 4. The next day, Kyiv’s Shevchenkivskyi District Court arrested its co-owner Anton Kravets for 60 days without bail. He is accused of aiding the Russian military effort by supplying medical products through companies in Estonia and Switzerland. If found guilty, Kravets faces up to 12 years in prison with confiscation of property.

Read also: Defender recounts how he survived Russian anti-tank missile hitting his vehicle

Kyivguma CEO Andriy Ostrohrud has rejected the accusations. The businessman stated that Kyivguma had ceased cooperation with Russia in February 2022, while calling the above European companies “long-term partners.” In addition, the medical products that appear in the SBU charges have a civilian purpose, the businessman noted. That’s why he is convinced that the SBU case against one of his partners is beneficial to the competitors, who have been trying to eliminate Kyivguma from the Defense Ministry’s procurement process for more than a year, replacing Ukrainian-made first-aid kits with low-quality Chinese substitutes.

NV found out the key circumstances of the case, as well as asking paramedics about the quality of Kyivguma’s first-aid kits. It turned out that not everything is so simple.

SBU officers simultaneously searched the company’s offices at six different addresses. The SBU claims that it “exposed a Ukrainian company that supplied tactical medicine products to Russia during the war.”

The company, according to the SBU, sent several batches of tactical harnesses and bandages of its own production to Russia worth over UAH 40 million ($1.05 million) during 2022-2023.

Kyivguma indeed produces such goods. In total, the list of products contains 4,000 rubber, latex, and silicone items.

The company is owned by three people: Andriy Ostrohrud (20%), Roman Kravets (40%) and Anton Kravets (40%). The investigation indicates that the supply route from Ukraine to Russia passed through one of the European countries, where the participants established a company that ordered goods allegedly for sale in the European Union. Tactical medicine means were delivered to sanctioned companies, and then were used in individual first-aid kits of Russian citizens who took part in hostilities against the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

When searching the Kyivguma premises, the SBU officers found mobile phones, computers, and documents with evidence of violations. However, the special service has released only a few illegible screenshots of the invoices on its website.

Read also: Video shows Ukrainian troops risking all to evacuate injured comrade on foot amid Russian shelling near Bakhmut

One of them shows the date and place of probable delivery in the city of Kronstadt, Russia, with a red marker highlighting “Martens rubber bandage, packed in 3 m and 5 m.” Another screenshot shows an email in which a person informs about the delivery of goods to Russian cities, such as Kronstadt and Moscow.

In turn, Ostrohrud confirmed that Kyivguma had indeed sent goods to Europe after February 2022, but not to Russia for the specified amount, but it was only civilian goods: rubber heating pads, oilcloths, pacifiers for babies, etc. The businessman denied that the said Martens bandage was classified as tactical medicine.

“Such items as the Martens bandage were classified as tactical. It’s a thin rubber strip in lengths of 3.5 and 5 m, used everywhere in the home, which we’ve been producing for over 70 years. It’s these positions that appear in the materials of the case in which we are accused of ‘treason,’” Ostrohrud commented emotionally on Facebook.

NV reached out to several practicing military paramedics to confirm Ostrohrud’s words.

Gennadiy Druzenko, head of the supervisory board of the Pirogov First Voluntary Mobile Hospital, told NV that he and his colleagues “never used such a product at the front.”

Maria Nazarova, combat medic, NAEMT tactical medicine instructor, also believes that this product cannot been classified as tactical medicine.

Yuriy Kubrushko, co-founder and coordinator of the Leleka Foundation tactical medicine projects, shares Nazarova and Druzenko’s views.

“The answer is very simple – it’s not a tactical medicine product. And it makes no sense for soldiers to carry such things to provide first aid.”

NV tried to find out whether the SBU has more compelling evidence of Kyivguma’s cooperation with Russian customers. Therefore, the editorial office turned to the SBU’s press service with a request to provide evidence, whether the released invoice was really drawn up by Kyivguma employees and who corresponded with the Russians on behalf of the Ukrainian company?

Instead of direct answers to the request, new screenshots of emails appeared in the media “from the SBU sources,” which are difficult for the editorial office to confirm or deny. As noted, Tetiana Mysak, the head of Kyivguma logistics department, was allegedly in correspondence with Alexei Tsvetkov, CEO of the Russian company Hermes-M, in November 2023.

This Moscow company specializes in wholesale trade of pharmaceuticals in Russia. Since 2020, Hermes-M’s revenue has dropped from $200,000 to $1,000 in 2022, while its commercial activity has lost profitability. Data for 2023 is not available.

“Alexei, the attached file contains approximate figures for the future supply. I added 300 pieces of 5 m bandage to the full pallet. Everything is fresh by terms, except for the Magic Flower silicone pacifier. No others are expected. Do you want us to load it?” Mysak allegedly wrote, as shown on the screenshot. Kyivguma co-owner Anton Kravets, who is among the accused, is indicated in the copy of the email.

Read also: Kyiv burn center gets unique surgical equipment

As follows from further correspondence, Tsvetkov is more interested not in pacifiers for babies, but in syringes with a soft tip used for the enema procedure. However, the Ukrainian manufacturer disappoints the Russian by replying that there is no timeline for when these products will go on sale.

NV asked Ostrohrud several times whether Kyivguma representatives had been in such correspondence with the Russians. To which the businessman replied that he would answer after a meeting with lawyers, but he did not get in touch before the publication of this material.

Regarding trade between Ukraine and Russia. In September 2022, the Cabinet of Ministers [Ukraine’s government] banned the export of any goods to Russia. According to the then forecasts of government officials, this should not have negative economic consequences since the export of Ukrainian goods to Russia amounted to slightly more than $4 million in the first few months of the full-scale invasion.

“We continue the sanctions pressure against Russia. I want to state that the export of goods to Russia has been de facto stopped since the beginning of the war. Now it has also been enshrined at the legal level,” Yulia Svyrydenko, Ukrainian First Deputy Prime Minister and Economy Minister, said at that time. The government believed the embargo on exports to Russia would help Ukrainian companies establish legal clarity in non-fulfillment of contracts, which would enable them to “concentrate activity on other markets.”

In a conversation with NV, lawyer Rostyslav Kravets assured that the punishment for the trade of Ukrainian companies with Russia lies in the political plane.

“All this is kept in manual mode. As experience shows: the sanctions imposed on individuals and legal entities from Russia are primarily political rather than economic. Let’s take for example Kyivstar [mobile operator] or operators of lotteries, online casinos, which have a share of Russian capital [in Ukrainian companies]. If their economic interests conflict with those close to the [state] leadership, then such sanctions appear, and if there are certain agreements, then there are no such sanctions,” he explained.

In August 2023, Ostrohrud told NV in an interview about the pressure from law enforcement agencies on his company and connected it with the lobbying by certain persons for the procurement of Chinese-made first-aid kits for the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

However, paramedics Kabrushko and Nazarova consider Kyivguma’s tactical first-aid kits to be Chinese rather than Ukrainian products. After all, more than two-thirds of a dozen components of the first-aid kit are Chinese.

“Bandages, tubes, gauze and the rest can really be made in Ukraine,” Nazarova told NV, adding that the most dangerous thing in Kyivguma’s first-aid kit is a low-quality Chinese-made tourniquet.

If it breaks or tears when applied to a limb after a combat wound, such a fighter risks rapid loss of blood and death. According to the paramedic’s experience, she saw such low-quality tourniquets in Kyivguma’s first-aid kits, but she has no relevant statistics on how often this manufacturer’s first-aid kits are equipped with such tourniquets.

“Chinese tourniquets under the Kyivguma, Paramedyk and Av Pharma brands are pure evil, which I will always fight against,” Nazarova wrote on X [formerly Twitter].

Instead, Ostrohrud told NV that their first-aid kits meet the Health Ministry’s technical requirements, while the first-aid kit from China has a different configuration.

Read also: Ukraine to hold mass first aid training during first Stop The Bleed Day commemoration

“I know very well what’s inside [the first-aid kit from China]. For example, it contains compressed gauze for EUR 0.8 ($0.87), whereas our kit includes a hemostatic agent for EUR 8 ($8.75). My first-aid kit cost UAH 2,190 ($57) last year, that’s EUR 55 ($60) for Lviv, and EUR 60 ($66) in the agreement with the Vinnytsia hospital, and there was almost six months between the delivery schedule. At the same time, the price of Chinese first-aid kit is $35-40.”

At the same time, he added that Kyivguma had also purchased several thousand Chinese first-aid kits at the beginning of the full-scale war due to disrupted logistics and lack of raw materials for production.

Nazarova, on the other hand, believes that businessmen who trade with Russia during the war should be imprisoned. However, if it turns out that the charges against Kyivguma aren’t confirmed, she assured: “We won’t forgive them the Chinese tourniquets, no matter what else they do.”

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Read the original article on The New Voice of Ukraine

Acts of resistance come in many shapes and sizes.

From a colored ribbon tied to a tree or a flag raised over a remote mountain face, to a quick tip-off on an encrypted app that sets off a chain of events culminating in the destruction of a warship, everything counts.

However big or small, whether the impact is military or symbolic, the actions of Ukrainians living in Russian-occupied territories over almost two years of full-scale war have all worked to drive one simple message home: that Russia’s grip on parts of Ukraine is as weak as it is temporary.

Around a fifth of Ukraine is occupied by Russian forces as of January 2024, most of which lies within five regions — Kherson, Zaporizhzhia, Luhansk, and Donetsk oblasts, where Moscow held sham referendums on joining Russia in autumn 2022 — and Crimea, which Russia illegally annexed back in 2014.

The Kyiv Independent spoke to three individuals involved in coordinating resistance operations in Ukraine’s occupied territories: representatives of well-known movements Yellow Ribbon and Atesh, as well as a Ukrainian special forces soldier specializing in maintaining a personal network of informants in Donetsk Oblast.

Each subject pursues goals with different methods: some more symbolic, some more subtle, and some more destructive. What unites them all, together with the driven Ukrainians that they work with in the occupied territories, is an unrelenting resolve to continue to resist Russian rule despite the grave personal risk.

Within Ukraine and among its backers abroad, the arrival of 2024 and the approaching two-year anniversary of the full-scale war has brought with it a widely-held sense of anxiety. Top officials have all but admitted that no quick breakthrough to once again liberate large amounts of territory will be possible for the foreseeable future, with discussion instead shifting to defending against renewed Russian effects to take more Ukrainian land.

But according to those helping them to resist, the will of Ukrainians under occupation to be liberated has not in any way faded, and neither have their resistance operations.

Read also: ‘I’m afraid we’ll never find them:’ Russia holds thousands of Ukrainian civilians hostage

Web of whispers

It has been almost 10 years since the regional capital of Donetsk was first overrun by Russian proxy forces. Even now though, the large industrial city, sitting at the heart of Russia’s propaganda claim to the lands of the Donbas region, is not a safe place for Russian soldiers.

Despite some Russian gains in the area, the city remains within the range of Ukrainian artillery, but the bigger threat is not the guns – it’s the locals. Working through contact networks based on personal trust, many unassuming Donetsk residents regularly pass on information on Russian movements to the Ukrainian military.

One such network is coordinated by Dmytro (Editor’s Note: The subject’s name has been changed to protect his informants’ identities), a native of Lyman in northern Donetsk Oblast who has served in Ukraine’s Special Operations Forces since the first months of the full-scale invasion.

When given the opportunity, Dmytro’s contacts in Donetsk and surrounding settlements tip him off about the location or movement of Russian troops and heavy equipment, which he quickly passes to Ukrainian artillery and precision-guided rocket units to deliver a strike.

His informants come from diverse backgrounds, often hardly fitting the mold of an average patriotic Ukrainian.

“We have all kinds of people, even people who have never been on Ukrainian-controlled territory (since 2014), people who once always voted for the (pro-Russian) Party of Regions, or people who haven’t read anything in Ukrainian since their school textbook in the 1980s,” he told the Kyiv Independent.

“It doesn’t matter, they are our eyes now.”

Dmytro is one of several such service members specializing in this kind of work, each with their own separate individual contacts. For security purposes, communication is carried out vertically only, as links between informants on the ground can increase the risk of them all being caught at once.

“People often imagine partisan movements as something out of World War II films, but there (in Donetsk) there is nothing like that, because if they catch one person then everyone is compromised,” he said.

Dmytro’s first brush with Russian aggression came right at the beginning; he had only just defended his dissertation in history at a university in Donetsk when Russian proxies took the city under the guise of a local separatist rebellion in the spring of 2014. After fighting in a volunteer battle over the first year of the war in Donbas, he returned to civilian life in Ukraine-controlled territory but did not break ties with those stranded under occupation in his former home.

“I maintained contact with the occupation all these eight years, I tried to get information out of there the whole time,” he said. “There was a period in time when our people who lived there would hang up flags, paint pro-Ukrainian graffiti, and I would write about it on my social media every now and then.”

“I wanted to counter the popular narrative in Ukraine that there were none of our people left in these (occupied) places, so I would show that there were actually many of them, and that they are resisting as much as they can.”

According to Dmytro, recent Ukrainian setbacks and fading hopes of quick liberation do not change his informants’ fundamental mission in their eyes.

“To put it philosophically, in situations like this people always ask themselves: ‘Who am I?’ he said. “For these people, over nine years the answer has been very clear inside of them: they are Ukrainians.”

“A real Ukrainian then asks themselves the next question: what can I do for victory? One Ukrainian is loading the shell, and another is providing the information that decides where it flies.”

Read also: EXCLUSIVE: Inside Ukraine’s covert operation to take out elite Wagner Group mercenaries in Donbas

Spreading fire

Over 2023, as the front line in Ukraine moved less and less in either direction, attention shifted to Crimea, where a series of Ukrainian long-range strikes exposed the vulnerability of Russia’s once secure hold on the Black Sea region.

The most dramatic of these came in September, when a Russian landing ship and submarine were destroyed in their docks in occupied Sevastopol; an embarrassing blow to receive from a country without a properly functioning navy.

Just 10 days later, the headquarters of Russia’s famous Black Sea Fleet in Sevastopol was devastated by Ukrainian Storm Shadow-type missiles during a meeting of the high command, allegedly killing 34 officers.

While the missiles were launched from Ukraine, the strikes were claimed to be coordinated by Atesh, a mysterious Ukrainian resistance organization that grew from scratch to build a feared presence not only in the occupied parts of Ukraine, but also in Russia itself.

“We provided them with a lot of assistance in reconnaissance directly from the ground,” said an Atesh coordinator going by the callsign “Sudak” about the Sevastopol strikes in exclusive comments to the Kyiv Independent.

“We have people both inside the Black Sea Fleet headquarters and outside in the form of many ordinary citizens of Sevastopol.”

Founded in September 2022, the movement, named after the Crimean Tatar word for fire, now boasts 1,800 members, 500 of which are regularly active in its operations, Sudak said.

Now, the group engages in a plethora of resistance activity, from the kind of intelligence gathering similar to that carried out by Dmytro’s informants, to information campaigns, to assorted acts of direct partisan action.

Notably, much of Atesh’s work attempts to directly engage Russians themselves, both military and civilian, with active operations in cities deep inside the Russian Federation.

“Residents of Russian cities see the physical presence of Atesh,” said Sudak. “Many Russians are tired of Putin’s regime and the criminal war against Ukraine and are actively seeking cooperation.”

“We manage to recruit people in (Russian) city administrations,” said Sudak. “In addition, we attract the (Russian) military to cooperate with us. These could be mobilized soldiers, contract servicemen, or conscripts.”

In February last year, the group claimed to have attracted over 4,000 Russian service members to its “ATESH School,” a platform with videos showing how to sabotage and disable one’s own armored vehicles.

According to Sudak, who himself is a native of Crimea who chose to stay after the annexation, Atesh’s informant network extends to the highest ranks of the local Russian military system.

“The military officer has been passing us various information; about the movements of the command, personal information about other military officers, and about the general activities of the command of which he is aware.”

The group’s operations, involving both locals and Russian soldiers in occupied territories, are forcing the Russian command to take note.

“In Crimea, where we are very active, the number of FSB (Russian Federal Security Service) task forces that deal exclusively with the pro-Ukrainian underground has increased,” he said. “We have received a number of reports that city administrations are teaching employees of schools, hospitals, and other state enterprises about the unacceptability of working with Atesh.”

Although the culmination of the southern counteroffensive leaves Ukrainian forces still far away from nearing Crimea or liberating the rest of the occupied territories, Sudak is confident in a year of successful operations to come.

“We are growing tirelessly and our capabilities are growing along with it,” he said. “We are energized for active work in the new year, we have plans and desire to work even more actively for the liberation of Ukraine.”

“Our people have no doubt in victory; there is no other option.”

Read also: A glance into Kherson’s underground resistance during Russian occupation

Not forgotten

Even when active resistance doesn’t involve the destruction of high-value military targets, even the smallest gestures can be impactful when carried out in large numbers.

For Ivan, co-founder and coordinator of the Yellow Ribbon civil resistance movement, this was already clear in the very first weeks of the full-scale invasion, when he and his colleagues were caught in Russian-occupied Kherson.

In resolute defiance of Russia’s capture of their city, Kherson residents protested en masse in the streets, but the demonstrations were soon put down by arrests, tear gas, and gunfire from Russian forces.

“I had a lot of friends from Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts who said that after the occupation in 2014, thoughts about Ukraine slowly disappeared for many people,” said Ivan, whose full identity is not disclosed for security concerns, to the Kyiv Independent. “We didn’t want the same for Kherson.”

The initial idea for Yellow Ribbon was simple: to make acts of resistance as simple, safe, and accessible as possible for ordinary citizens.

Photos of yellow ribbons tied up all over Kherson quickly drew national attention, and in no time at all, the co-founders realized that they had created a working model for all of occupied Ukraine to follow.

“Everything started with us two,” Ivan said, “and when we saw hundreds of people start to join (Yellow Ribbon communities on Telegram) from different regions, we knew we couldn’t do it on our own.”

Kherson was eventually liberated by the Ukrainian military in November 2022, but the group’s activities in the rest of the occupied territories have only grown further.

By now, the movement has 12 coordinators in larger occupied cities, and a community of over 12,000 active users of its Telegram chatbot, where Yellow Ribbon shares advice on non-violent resistance, cyber-security, and legal issues. Launched in the spring of last year, a separate chatbot also allows residents to upload evidence and testimonies of Russian war crimes.

With Yellow Ribbon’s rapid growth came new responsibility and new danger, both to the individuals involved and to the movement, as Russian internal security services have ramped up countermeasures in response.

“The biggest threat now is that both the FSB and Interior Ministry, often in competition with each other, have really begun hunting people,” Ivan said. “They are looking to arrest more and more people, some on ‘terrorism’ charges, some for ‘extremism,’ and some for ‘discreditation of the army’.”

“They arrest you not because you belong to some kind of resistance group, but simply because you are Ukrainian, because somebody said you raised a Ukrainian flag somewhere even when you didn’t, and because of this you are held and beaten for three months in a basement somewhere.”

Thanks to its simplicity and compelling visual language, the Yellow Ribbon movement wages its own war — more symbolic but no less important than one of artillery and missile strikes — on three crucial fronts.

Firstly, in the minds of the participants themselves: “These people have been fighting occupation, they know that sooner or later they will be liberated, if it turns out to be later, they are mentally prepared for that but otherwise it doesn’t change anything else,” Ivan said. “But this symbolism is critical to remind them that they are on this path; the path to liberation, to Ukraine.”

Read also: Alexander Khrebet: Don’t write off Ukrainians living under Russian occupation

According to Ivan, the most active base of Yellow Ribbon followers is, remarkably, in Crimea, despite already living for almost 10 years of uninterrupted Russian occupation.

“We have people as young as 18, who were nine when their homes were occupied,” he recalled.

“How did they learn the Ukrainian language? I don’t know, but they use it perfectly. Some of them say their parents are pro-Russian, but they still want to do what they can for Ukraine to return.”

This presence, Ivan said, is also crucial for reminding society in Ukrainian-controlled territory that their people are waiting, and should not be abandoned by a hypothetical future peace deal.

“On Ukrainian Flag Day, for example, the Presidential Office published a photo of how we raised the flag on Boiko Mountain (in Crimea),” he said, and those involved were shocked to see the support and recognition they got.”

Finally, Yellow Ribbon, which was given special recognition within the awarding of the Sakharov Human Rights Prize to the Ukrainian people last year, has helped amplify the voices of Ukrainians under occupation all the way to the world stage.

“We show them, look, European politicians are seeing this, and now there is a new sanctions package being passed… they can feel the direct effect of what they are doing,” said Ivan.

“This reminds our people in occupation that they have not been forgotten or abandoned, which is exactly the narrative that Russia tries to push on them.”

Note from the author:

Hi, this is Francis Farrell, cheers for reading this article. We are entering a new phase of the war, which could potentially be stranger, tougher, and more uncertain than it has ever been so far. In a time when instability around the world is growing, and attention is fading when it is needed the most, please consider supporting our reporting.

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